Gay sex in male prison. Prison sexuality.



Gay sex in male prison

Gay sex in male prison

In the United States on any given day, a total of 2. One in three young Black men in the United States is currently incarcerated or under the direct control of the criminal justice system Alexander, However, sexuality and gender reflect key terrain through which men navigate desire and domination in carceral institutions.

The goal of this paper is to make sexuality relevant to academic understandings of the lives of men in prison and, conversely, to make articulations by men in prison relevant to theoretical understandings of sexuality. We intentionally foreground the voices of male behaviorally bisexual prisoners, and in particular prisoners of the group most marginalized and disproportionately impacted in the United States — African American men. The paper explores narratives about sexual relationships while incarcerated among forty-eight formerly incarcerated behaviorally bisexual Black men in the San Francisco Bay Area, which is located in the state of California.

We ask how experiences of sexuality and gender — in particular, masculinities - are structured alongside racism in and through carceral settings. We contextualize our empirical analyses against the historical, and persistent, forms of racism and punishment faced by Blacks in the United States as we highlight the specific interface between sexuality and penal institutions faced by this group of men.

From deeply felt first loves to avoidance of sexual activity altogether, men describe highly regulated sexual worlds in the carceral context. We additionally reflect on the role of gender in the implementation of research on prisons, bringing to light possibilities and constraints on the production of knowledge and methodologies for prison scholarship. Finally, drawing on empirical findings, we suggest carceral intimacies as an integrative framework that captures how power is negotiated by, not merely imposed upon, prisoners through intimate relationships in prison settings.

I - Black Sexualities, Masculinities and Incarceration 8 The spoken and unspoken insistence of heterosexuality has become all the more pronounced in a commu One of the ways that U.

Racial profiling is a product of the perceived threat deemed inherent to Black male bodies Collins, This movement has served, in part, to bring increasing attention to white fear of perceived Black criminality, the over-policing of Black communities and the inappropriate use of force against Black people, their disproportionate incarceration, and the harms experienced by Black prisoners while incarcerated.

Black men who have sex with men MSM are arrested more frequently than white men who have sex with men, reflecting the prevailing racial disparities in arrest and incarceration in the U. The need for applying sexuality studies analyses that understand sexuality as socially constructed, fluid and materially grounded Butler, ; Cohen, ; Mackenzie, ; Rich, ; Rubin, to prison studies is underscored in recent prisoner-generated narratives of sex and sexuality, describing a range of intimacies and sexualities in the carceral context Blackash, ; Stevens, Attending to discourse in the domain of sexualities, as this analysis does through narratives of sexuality and imprisonment, allows for a lens not merely into ways of knowing, being, and acting in and through structural contexts, but also into the ways that discourse itself destabilizes and also produces power Mackenzie, When bisexuality is a focus of social science, it is primarily considered as an attribute of individuals and not a socially, politically, and structurally meaningful category of analysis.

In particular, social class, race and gender operate as part of daily lived experiences of bisexual lives that are not always named, yet still lived and loved. Given the deep bi-phobic undercurrents and hetero-normative political and economic organization of United States society, bisexuals have had to forge intentional and ongoing identity claims to be recognized — and yet these narratives serve to further marginalize non-hegemonic bisexualities i.

Black male sexuality has been the site of an interrogation project into sexual behaviors are men having sex with men inside? Considerations of masculinity in prison typically describe a social world suffused with an aggressive, hegemonic masculinity and the machismo of the prison environment Crewe, Feminized terminology, including 'boy' and 'punk,' are used to characterize males rendered as weak and feminine Nandi, Toughness is required to avoid victimization, including and especially rape.

Prisoners who have experienced sexual assault are often blamed for their own victimization by guards and prisoners alike for not being strong enough to fight off attack Evans and Wallace, , Perhaps even fewer examinations exist of tenderness and intimacy among men in prison when those relationships are sexual. Sexual violence is deployed by prison staff and other prisoners as a way to enforce gender, sexual, and racial hierarchies, and used by staff as a way to reduce tension, placate or punish certain problematic prisoners, and maintain social control Sabo et al.

This paper aims to contribute to understandings of sexuality in the carceral context through the relationship narratives of a group of men whose sexuality has historically been vilified through institutions of incarceration and their accompanying tropes. These narrations of sexuality can be understood as a form of structural intimacy, namely stories produced by the meeting of intimate lives and social structural patterns Mackenzie, Attending to the narratives themselves as well as the material realities that they represent, structural intimacies conjoin critical analysis of the material, cultural and discursive production of sexual bodies.

Structural intimacies are complex rhetorical spaces in and through which broader political and cultural representations and community- and individual-level narratives are negotiated through the body and the sexual.

Prisons are one of five forms of total institution identified by Goffman, serving as bureaucracies for the management of people.

Total institutions structure life through the disciplinary control of prisoners, through practices that both create the prisoner and strip him of his outside identity. The total institution creates deference and powerlessness in accordance with stringent systems of time, space, and the body.

Intersectionality has informed a renewed academic focus at the nexus of class, race, gender, and sexuality on social Cohen ; Patrick Johnson and Henderson ; Collins ; McDermott ; Plummer and health inequalities Bowleg, ; Bowleg et al. In particular, the work of sociologist Patricia Hill Collins and others in the field has been instrumental to building work on Black sexuality at the nexus of multiple forms of power and oppression.

This work insists on a lens that considers the ways in which intersecting forms of oppression including racism, classism, sexism and heterosexism are informed by and inform meanings about sexuality Bowleg, ; Collins, This paper draws on R. Specifically, we consider that gay, bisexual, and transgender masculinities are subordinate to hegemonic masculinity, the dominant form of masculinity in a particular context — in the U.

III - Methods 12 All men were cisgendered. The research team additionally consisted of a part-time Project Coordinator, and a field team of three outreach workers and recruitment staff, all of whom were African American and had extensive experience working in community contexts with behaviorally bisexual African American men.

Because bisexual identity is a normative construct, often racialized to denote white sexualities, that does not reflect any stable underlying state — and indeed can often be used to delimit the rich contextual understandings of sexuality that we hoped to generate - our recruitment was based on eligibility criteria of sexual practice, rather than asking people whether they cohered to a culturally imposed sexual identity label.

After initial recruitment efforts in San Francisco yielded several gay-identified men who had sex with men and women, we added an exclusion criterion of self-identification as gay, to ensure that the specific local terrain of sexuality in San Francisco did not generate a primarily gay-identified sample.

In-depth interviews were based on five overall domains that had been identified through formative interviews with five key informants representing both community and research expertise working with behaviorally bisexual Black men. The five domains encompassed questions about: Informed consent was obtained from each respondent prior to the interview. Interviews were conducted in private rooms at a downtown San Francisco State University office and a community field site in Oakland by two Black male-identified interviewers.

The sample of 48 interviews of men with incarceration histories was analyzed for this paper. Transcripts of each interview were open coded by the primary interviewer and a trained qualitative analyst, using ATLAS.

Open coding generated a list of over 62 primary level codes, with 2, data quotations. These data were further analyzed by this team of qualitative analysts for themes related to the social and sexual context of incarceration and HIV risk, drawing on initial analyses of masculinity in the carceral context by the first author. Incarceration is a social and sexual space that strips men and women of rights, humanity, and sexual freedom; and research on incarceration must navigate and engage with these power dynamics as they arise in the research process.

The fact that the two interviewers were male-identified seemed to support the trust and confidence of the interview participants, many of whom said that they were discussing their sexual activity with men for the first time. The primary interviewer was younger than most participants, which created a non-threatening dynamic for participants as they discussed their intimate experience and seemed to put them at ease as they discussed sensitive histories.

The interviewers recorded field notes and the research team reflected in weekly research meetings with the Principal Investigator on the often-stressful experience of hearing about traumatic histories, and of interviewing men, some of whom shared stories of experiencing and enacting extreme violence during their time while incarcerated and beyond. Study procedures were set up to support not just reflection and mutual support from the research team, but to ensure the physical safety and emotional well-being of study staff.

Research on traumatic history and state-sponsored violence, including incarceration, must take an open approach to eliciting data i. While the term bisexual was invoked primarily as a behavioral category, the three remaining men identified as queer. This reinforces the challenges to securing paid work in the formal economy among African American men in the San Francisco Bay Area, as it experiences increasing gentrification and outsourcing of its labor.

In and out, in and out. Just send me to the pen. Another man, Khalil, describes the direct impact of federal welfare reform cutbacks on his attempts to work in the formal economy and secure sufficient funds to subsist outside of the drug economy. In , drug addiction and alcoholism were eliminated as qualifying criteria for receipt of federal Supplemental Security Income SSI benefits. However, as Khalil describes, the effects on those struggling to make ends meet often forced people further into the informal economy, echoed by research documenting increased economic hardship faced by those formerly on SSI benefits Hogan et al.

Men frequently described being locked up with people from the same neighborhoods and, furthermore, the impact of this on their experiences of sex and sexuality — underscoring the reach of incarceration in individual lives as well as its overwhelming community level impact on African American communities. Men described varied sexual experiences while incarcerated. These relationships were not necessarily mutually exclusive, and sex with men was often described as meeting many of these ends.

Some men described experiences of coercive sex, in particular in relation to violating rigid gender norms. Men who described not having any sex inside attributed this primarily to not being willing to risk their reputation on the street, given the ubiquity in prison of others from their neighborhoods. But the police part, imagine being with a whole bunch of people that have power over you that have absolutely no qualification for it. That would be the police part.

And all sorts of you know male masculine power play things going on you know. In discussions of sexual relationships as well as in choosing not to seek out sexual relationships, men often considered their peers both as mechanisms of surveillance and support, as well as the surveillance of the institution itself, enacted through guards and specific prison policies. Men indicated, in almost every circumstance, that they did.

They described corrections officers ignoring sex inside, tolerating it, sometimes commenting on or supporting relationships by transferring prisoners or placing gay-identified prisoners in specific units to minimize tension, and, in some cases, having sex with prisoners themselves.

The behavior of guards varied significantly from prison to prison, and across prisons and jails, but tacit acknowledgement of sexuality inside existed across institutional spaces. Al recounts guards commenting on his relationship: In this perhaps mocking interaction, guards acknowledge not only the presence of sex, but its attendant domesticity. For instance, Alec noted: Despite the tacit acknowledgement of sexual activity in prisons and jails, many participants noted that condoms were not available during the periods of their incarceration.

These men were more likely to be serving longer sentences, and to be more open about their sex with men on the outside, and therefore willing to take on the risks of being identified as gay. He has sex with both men and women, and while he identifies as bisexual, seems to prefer sex with men.

His partner said that he would leave his wife, but he never did, despite the fact that their relationship continued for a time on the outside.

And he died you know and it was - it was sad. I mean it was a trip to go through those many years with just one individual but not being married [to him]. Al described how he was pursued by the man who would become his first true love inside: My first true love there was W; this guy named W.

You know when I came in the yard I guess he could tell. He was at my locker like 20 minutes before I even unpacked. He put his bid in and we were very close. When we left we became good friends. Men described county jail as much more permissive or hypersexual, and a place where sex for trade was a common way men interacted.

In both long and shorter term sexual interactions, considerations of the pragmatics of survival were often at play. Donte described trade and sexual favors: If you needed money on your books, there were some guys who would pay for that sexual favor Several men spoke of changes over time in their decisions to have sex within prison environments where fear of violence and of perceived weakness are eventually substituted by a better understanding of prison dynamics and therefore a more direct, non-violent and non-consequential exchange of sex.

This is captured in the following statement by Moses as he reflects on his varied experiences of jail and prison: As was the case for a considerable number of men in our sample about one quarter of men who had sex inside , Joaquin had sex primarily with transgender women while incarcerated.

Video by theme:

What happens if you are Gay in Prison? - Prison Talk 3.10



Gay sex in male prison

In the United States on any given day, a total of 2. One in three young Black men in the United States is currently incarcerated or under the direct control of the criminal justice system Alexander, However, sexuality and gender reflect key terrain through which men navigate desire and domination in carceral institutions.

The goal of this paper is to make sexuality relevant to academic understandings of the lives of men in prison and, conversely, to make articulations by men in prison relevant to theoretical understandings of sexuality.

We intentionally foreground the voices of male behaviorally bisexual prisoners, and in particular prisoners of the group most marginalized and disproportionately impacted in the United States — African American men. The paper explores narratives about sexual relationships while incarcerated among forty-eight formerly incarcerated behaviorally bisexual Black men in the San Francisco Bay Area, which is located in the state of California. We ask how experiences of sexuality and gender — in particular, masculinities - are structured alongside racism in and through carceral settings.

We contextualize our empirical analyses against the historical, and persistent, forms of racism and punishment faced by Blacks in the United States as we highlight the specific interface between sexuality and penal institutions faced by this group of men. From deeply felt first loves to avoidance of sexual activity altogether, men describe highly regulated sexual worlds in the carceral context.

We additionally reflect on the role of gender in the implementation of research on prisons, bringing to light possibilities and constraints on the production of knowledge and methodologies for prison scholarship. Finally, drawing on empirical findings, we suggest carceral intimacies as an integrative framework that captures how power is negotiated by, not merely imposed upon, prisoners through intimate relationships in prison settings.

I - Black Sexualities, Masculinities and Incarceration 8 The spoken and unspoken insistence of heterosexuality has become all the more pronounced in a commu One of the ways that U.

Racial profiling is a product of the perceived threat deemed inherent to Black male bodies Collins, This movement has served, in part, to bring increasing attention to white fear of perceived Black criminality, the over-policing of Black communities and the inappropriate use of force against Black people, their disproportionate incarceration, and the harms experienced by Black prisoners while incarcerated. Black men who have sex with men MSM are arrested more frequently than white men who have sex with men, reflecting the prevailing racial disparities in arrest and incarceration in the U.

The need for applying sexuality studies analyses that understand sexuality as socially constructed, fluid and materially grounded Butler, ; Cohen, ; Mackenzie, ; Rich, ; Rubin, to prison studies is underscored in recent prisoner-generated narratives of sex and sexuality, describing a range of intimacies and sexualities in the carceral context Blackash, ; Stevens, Attending to discourse in the domain of sexualities, as this analysis does through narratives of sexuality and imprisonment, allows for a lens not merely into ways of knowing, being, and acting in and through structural contexts, but also into the ways that discourse itself destabilizes and also produces power Mackenzie, When bisexuality is a focus of social science, it is primarily considered as an attribute of individuals and not a socially, politically, and structurally meaningful category of analysis.

In particular, social class, race and gender operate as part of daily lived experiences of bisexual lives that are not always named, yet still lived and loved. Given the deep bi-phobic undercurrents and hetero-normative political and economic organization of United States society, bisexuals have had to forge intentional and ongoing identity claims to be recognized — and yet these narratives serve to further marginalize non-hegemonic bisexualities i.

Black male sexuality has been the site of an interrogation project into sexual behaviors are men having sex with men inside? Considerations of masculinity in prison typically describe a social world suffused with an aggressive, hegemonic masculinity and the machismo of the prison environment Crewe, Feminized terminology, including 'boy' and 'punk,' are used to characterize males rendered as weak and feminine Nandi, Toughness is required to avoid victimization, including and especially rape.

Prisoners who have experienced sexual assault are often blamed for their own victimization by guards and prisoners alike for not being strong enough to fight off attack Evans and Wallace, , Perhaps even fewer examinations exist of tenderness and intimacy among men in prison when those relationships are sexual.

Sexual violence is deployed by prison staff and other prisoners as a way to enforce gender, sexual, and racial hierarchies, and used by staff as a way to reduce tension, placate or punish certain problematic prisoners, and maintain social control Sabo et al. This paper aims to contribute to understandings of sexuality in the carceral context through the relationship narratives of a group of men whose sexuality has historically been vilified through institutions of incarceration and their accompanying tropes.

These narrations of sexuality can be understood as a form of structural intimacy, namely stories produced by the meeting of intimate lives and social structural patterns Mackenzie, Attending to the narratives themselves as well as the material realities that they represent, structural intimacies conjoin critical analysis of the material, cultural and discursive production of sexual bodies.

Structural intimacies are complex rhetorical spaces in and through which broader political and cultural representations and community- and individual-level narratives are negotiated through the body and the sexual. Prisons are one of five forms of total institution identified by Goffman, serving as bureaucracies for the management of people. Total institutions structure life through the disciplinary control of prisoners, through practices that both create the prisoner and strip him of his outside identity.

The total institution creates deference and powerlessness in accordance with stringent systems of time, space, and the body. Intersectionality has informed a renewed academic focus at the nexus of class, race, gender, and sexuality on social Cohen ; Patrick Johnson and Henderson ; Collins ; McDermott ; Plummer and health inequalities Bowleg, ; Bowleg et al.

In particular, the work of sociologist Patricia Hill Collins and others in the field has been instrumental to building work on Black sexuality at the nexus of multiple forms of power and oppression. This work insists on a lens that considers the ways in which intersecting forms of oppression including racism, classism, sexism and heterosexism are informed by and inform meanings about sexuality Bowleg, ; Collins, This paper draws on R.

Specifically, we consider that gay, bisexual, and transgender masculinities are subordinate to hegemonic masculinity, the dominant form of masculinity in a particular context — in the U. III - Methods 12 All men were cisgendered. The research team additionally consisted of a part-time Project Coordinator, and a field team of three outreach workers and recruitment staff, all of whom were African American and had extensive experience working in community contexts with behaviorally bisexual African American men.

Because bisexual identity is a normative construct, often racialized to denote white sexualities, that does not reflect any stable underlying state — and indeed can often be used to delimit the rich contextual understandings of sexuality that we hoped to generate - our recruitment was based on eligibility criteria of sexual practice, rather than asking people whether they cohered to a culturally imposed sexual identity label.

After initial recruitment efforts in San Francisco yielded several gay-identified men who had sex with men and women, we added an exclusion criterion of self-identification as gay, to ensure that the specific local terrain of sexuality in San Francisco did not generate a primarily gay-identified sample. In-depth interviews were based on five overall domains that had been identified through formative interviews with five key informants representing both community and research expertise working with behaviorally bisexual Black men.

The five domains encompassed questions about: Informed consent was obtained from each respondent prior to the interview. Interviews were conducted in private rooms at a downtown San Francisco State University office and a community field site in Oakland by two Black male-identified interviewers.

The sample of 48 interviews of men with incarceration histories was analyzed for this paper. Transcripts of each interview were open coded by the primary interviewer and a trained qualitative analyst, using ATLAS. Open coding generated a list of over 62 primary level codes, with 2, data quotations. These data were further analyzed by this team of qualitative analysts for themes related to the social and sexual context of incarceration and HIV risk, drawing on initial analyses of masculinity in the carceral context by the first author.

Incarceration is a social and sexual space that strips men and women of rights, humanity, and sexual freedom; and research on incarceration must navigate and engage with these power dynamics as they arise in the research process.

The fact that the two interviewers were male-identified seemed to support the trust and confidence of the interview participants, many of whom said that they were discussing their sexual activity with men for the first time.

The primary interviewer was younger than most participants, which created a non-threatening dynamic for participants as they discussed their intimate experience and seemed to put them at ease as they discussed sensitive histories.

The interviewers recorded field notes and the research team reflected in weekly research meetings with the Principal Investigator on the often-stressful experience of hearing about traumatic histories, and of interviewing men, some of whom shared stories of experiencing and enacting extreme violence during their time while incarcerated and beyond.

Study procedures were set up to support not just reflection and mutual support from the research team, but to ensure the physical safety and emotional well-being of study staff. Research on traumatic history and state-sponsored violence, including incarceration, must take an open approach to eliciting data i. While the term bisexual was invoked primarily as a behavioral category, the three remaining men identified as queer.

This reinforces the challenges to securing paid work in the formal economy among African American men in the San Francisco Bay Area, as it experiences increasing gentrification and outsourcing of its labor. In and out, in and out. Just send me to the pen. Another man, Khalil, describes the direct impact of federal welfare reform cutbacks on his attempts to work in the formal economy and secure sufficient funds to subsist outside of the drug economy.

In , drug addiction and alcoholism were eliminated as qualifying criteria for receipt of federal Supplemental Security Income SSI benefits. However, as Khalil describes, the effects on those struggling to make ends meet often forced people further into the informal economy, echoed by research documenting increased economic hardship faced by those formerly on SSI benefits Hogan et al.

Men frequently described being locked up with people from the same neighborhoods and, furthermore, the impact of this on their experiences of sex and sexuality — underscoring the reach of incarceration in individual lives as well as its overwhelming community level impact on African American communities.

Men described varied sexual experiences while incarcerated. These relationships were not necessarily mutually exclusive, and sex with men was often described as meeting many of these ends.

Some men described experiences of coercive sex, in particular in relation to violating rigid gender norms. Men who described not having any sex inside attributed this primarily to not being willing to risk their reputation on the street, given the ubiquity in prison of others from their neighborhoods. But the police part, imagine being with a whole bunch of people that have power over you that have absolutely no qualification for it.

That would be the police part. And all sorts of you know male masculine power play things going on you know. In discussions of sexual relationships as well as in choosing not to seek out sexual relationships, men often considered their peers both as mechanisms of surveillance and support, as well as the surveillance of the institution itself, enacted through guards and specific prison policies.

Men indicated, in almost every circumstance, that they did. They described corrections officers ignoring sex inside, tolerating it, sometimes commenting on or supporting relationships by transferring prisoners or placing gay-identified prisoners in specific units to minimize tension, and, in some cases, having sex with prisoners themselves.

The behavior of guards varied significantly from prison to prison, and across prisons and jails, but tacit acknowledgement of sexuality inside existed across institutional spaces. Al recounts guards commenting on his relationship: In this perhaps mocking interaction, guards acknowledge not only the presence of sex, but its attendant domesticity.

For instance, Alec noted: Despite the tacit acknowledgement of sexual activity in prisons and jails, many participants noted that condoms were not available during the periods of their incarceration. These men were more likely to be serving longer sentences, and to be more open about their sex with men on the outside, and therefore willing to take on the risks of being identified as gay. He has sex with both men and women, and while he identifies as bisexual, seems to prefer sex with men.

His partner said that he would leave his wife, but he never did, despite the fact that their relationship continued for a time on the outside. And he died you know and it was - it was sad. I mean it was a trip to go through those many years with just one individual but not being married [to him].

Al described how he was pursued by the man who would become his first true love inside: My first true love there was W; this guy named W. You know when I came in the yard I guess he could tell. He was at my locker like 20 minutes before I even unpacked.

He put his bid in and we were very close. When we left we became good friends. Men described county jail as much more permissive or hypersexual, and a place where sex for trade was a common way men interacted.

In both long and shorter term sexual interactions, considerations of the pragmatics of survival were often at play. Donte described trade and sexual favors: If you needed money on your books, there were some guys who would pay for that sexual favor Several men spoke of changes over time in their decisions to have sex within prison environments where fear of violence and of perceived weakness are eventually substituted by a better understanding of prison dynamics and therefore a more direct, non-violent and non-consequential exchange of sex.

This is captured in the following statement by Moses as he reflects on his varied experiences of jail and prison: As was the case for a considerable number of men in our sample about one quarter of men who had sex inside , Joaquin had sex primarily with transgender women while incarcerated.

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